The danger of Bolshevism to India lies not in a military victory of Bolshevik arms but in the insidious effects of Bolshevik propaganda. This propaganda is always directed towards the exploitation of social grievances in so far as these grievances are serious so does the propaganda become formidable.
Now there is no doubt that at present the lower classes in India, both in the towns and in the rural areas are going through a very hard time. The high prices resulting from the war have induced a feeling of restlessness making them discontented with conditions which previously they bore patiently. Accordingly in the country districts the peasants are grumbling that there is no reason why they should be forced to pay rent to the Zamindar or land revenue to the Sarkar, in the towns the labourers are complaining, that while rich man lives of comfort and ease, they are condemned to toil, early and late, to live in miserable hovels, to go clad in rags. And unfortunately there is no sign that the economic stress which has brought this about will pass away in the near future.
This growing atmosphere of social unrest opens the door to Bolshevik propaganda, which despite the best efforts of Government, cannot be entirely excluded from a country the size of India. This propaganda will certainly assume many forms. In the first place, it will be directed against the British Government, for as long as the British Government exists, the present social structure will also exist.
Hence the first step will be to overthrow this Government by inflaming social passions and attempting to the Indian national sentiment against Great Britain. In all probability, this propaganda will attract many persons, both of the upper and middle classes, who will not see that by working against the British Government they are really working against themselves. For the embarrassment and overthrow of British rule is only the first step, after that will come the real Bolshevik programme of upsetting the wealthy, the educated, the well born, and placing in a position of mastery the lowest classes of the population as a result of which the very people who have been most active in assisting unwillingly the progress of the Bolshevik plan will be the first to suffer.
The Bolsheviks have established regular schools for the training of propagandists and in these schools there are some Indians of the revolutionary party. Before long, these men [will] be expected in India, where they will do their best to make trouble. They will probably work along the two lines indicated above. First, they will appeal to the national pride of the educated and wealthy, with the object of embarrassing and weakening Government by producing a political revolution, secondly,they will preach to the masses the gospel of social revolution, will foment labour troubles, industrial unrest, and agrarian discontent.
The best way to fight Bolshevik propaganda is to see that the ground upon which it falls is barren. If India is not to share the fate of Russia, there must be a deliberate effort on the part, not merely of Government but of all who have a stake in the country to improve the conditions of the masses and to make them less discontented. This work is really in the hands of the educated classes and such national leaders of the nation and men of wealth, of birth or both. But Bolshevik propaganda will come, and [if] it finds the masses ready to receive it, while the [higher] classes remain lukewarm either because they are not unwilling to see Government embarrassed or because they grudge the masses fair treatment, then there will be very real risk of widespread social revolution with all its accompanying horrors. No man who has eyes to see the changed temper of the lower classes in India can deny [that] within a short time, unless remedies be applied, they will be ripe for Bolshevism. The amelioration of their conditions particularly their economic conditions is a matter of great urgency, not merely for the British administration but for the upper and middle classes. And any course of action which in the few years tends to weaken the government of the country will also tend to strengthen those tendencies towards Bolshevism the beginnings of which are already perceptible.
Foreign Department, Secret-Internal,
August 1920, Nos. 8-26.
Source: Communist movement in India by KN Panicker, pp 222-24
File No. 421-Poll (Home Deptt.) 1924
To
The District Magistrate,
Cawnpore.
Sir,
We, the undersigned, beg to inform you that we are willing to give an undertaking to Government not to commit any more offences, for which we are at present convicted and we shall be thankful to Government if they will deign to consider our request favourably and release us as soon as possible, as we are undergoing suffering which we cannot sustain. We shall be personally thankful to you if you will arrange with Government for our petition being granted.
We are,
Your Obdt. Servants,
Shripad Amrit Dange
Nalini Bhushan Das Gupta.
Source: Dange Unmasked, (M Basavapunniah, New Delhi, April 1964)
From
Shripat Amrit Dange,
Prisoner,
(4 years RI under Sec. 121AIPC.
In the Bolshevik Conspiracy Case of Cawnpore)
To
His Excellency the Governor General in Council.
Your Excellency,
I am one of the four in the Bolshevik Conspiracy case of Cawnpore. I beg to put forward for your Excellency’s consideration a prayer for the remission of my sentences for following reasons.
In submitting my prayer I have to refer to certain fact, which your Excellency may not be cognisant of; but Your Excellency can verify their truth by referring to Col. C Kaye, Director Central Intelligence Bureau or to the persons mentioned hereinafter.
When the above referred case was proceeding in the Lower Court Mr. Ros Alstron, the learned Counsel for prosecution happened to have a side talk with me, during the course of which he remarked, Government is not very particular about the punishment of the individual accused. The case is instituted only to prove to a doubting the truth of Government’s statements, made from time to time as to the existence of Bolshevik Conspiracy in India. I think the learned Counsel is not likely to have misrepresented Your Excellency’s Government’s policy, as he was in too close a touch with Government’s officials to have mistaken Government's intentions. As the position your Excellency has been vindicated by the verdict of the Court, Your Excellency may not mind remitting my sentences and granting my prayer.
I might also refer to another incident. Exactly on year back, the Deputy Commissioner of Police, of Bombay Mr. Stewart was having a conversation with me, in his office, regarding my relations with MN Roy and an anticipated visit to me of certain persons from abroad. During the course of the conversation the Honourable officer let drop a hint in the following words, the full import of which I failed to catch at that moment. Mr. Stewart said, “you hold an exceptionally influential position in certain circles here and abroad, Government would be glad if this position would be of some use to them.” I think I still bold the position/Rather it has been enhanced by the prosecution. If you Excellency is pleased to think that I should use that position for the good of Your Excellences Government and the country, I should be glad to do so, if I am given the opportunity by Your Excellency granting my prayer for release.
I am given the punishment of four year’s rigorous imprisonment in order that those years may bring a salutory change in my attitude towards the King Emperor’s sovereignty in India. I beg to inform Your Excellency that those years are unnecessary, as I have never been positively disloyal towards His Majesty in my writing or speeches nor do I intend to be so in future.
Hoping this respectful undertaking will satisfy and move Your Excellency to grant my prayer and awaiting anxiously a reply.
I beg to remain,
Your Excellency’s
Most Obedient Servant,
Shripat Amrit Dange,
Endorsement No. 1048, dated 31J.1924.
Forwarded in original to IG Prisons UP for disposal.
Sd./-WPCook
Col. IMS
Superintendent Jail.
Seal of IG Prisons 13070
Dated 1.8.1924.
Source: Ibid.